Myanmar, one year later: what has changed?

In collaboration with Pills of Politics

It was on the morning of Monday 1 February 2021 that the new Union Assembly was to meet for the first time after the 2020 legislative elections, which saw the victory of the National League for Democracy, as Tatmadaw, the army of Myanmar under under the direction of Min. Aung Hlaing, took over power in a coup. The third in the history of Burma after that of 1962 and 1988.

The aim was clear: to assassinate the government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the background was equally clear: the allegations of electoral fraud brought by the army to Suu Kyi itself were rejected by the electoral commission.

This stance triggered the latent merger of the Burmese army, which dismissed President Win Myint and State Councilor Suu Kyi, arresting them along with other leaders of the LND party. Parliament was subsequently dissolved and Tatmadaw declared the institution of a state of emergency for one year, appointing former General Myint Swe as President. ad interim and Min Aung Hlaing as President of the Military Junta and Prime Minister.

After the coup, peaceful mass protests began, which saw the awareness and position of women and young people in particular, against which the military government operated a gruesome and gruesome repression, killing and arresting hundreds and hundreds of protesters, among others. by the resumption of the struggle. Law.

One year later, what has changed in Myanmar? 2021 marks the country because of disturbing socio-political events that have forced the international community to observe the scenario with a long-term vision.

The third coup in the history of the country’s independence marked the birth of a National Unity Government (NUG), but the fragmentation of territory, particularly on a cultural and social level, in addition to the previously known problems, did not allow for political Solid and lasting alliances that cancel out enormous efforts that you are trying to make.

Moreover, there has been a change in the nature of the protests, from a non-violent movement to a first form of armed struggle to pursue the democratic transition, which marks the failure of the primary peaceful perspective. In this regard, there is a limited positive note with the active participation of women in Generation Z in the events; the presence of women in the spring revolution marked the end of misogynistic social norms and attempts to contribute to changing gender stereotypes against female leadership in politics. The new generationif only initially, it will change print and increase the visibility of the problem especially thanks to the use of social media.

Nevertheless, as the principle of retaliation teaches by analogy, every action has a consequence. The dynamism and solemnity of women is punished by the mass dismissal of school staff, where the majority of women’s roles are occupied, which not only affects the quality of life of women themselves, but also the education of women. The student. In contrast, the young people personally a online their virtual means of protest are hidden, ie social yes, and removed from the internet connection, as well as the opportunity to make their noise outside Myanmar. As if that were not enough, occupying the country’s internal positions to the outside world became almost impossible after Junta withdrew the licenses and publishing rights of most media outlets and began making arrests in the journalistic segment.

Want to get back to the pivotal question “A year later, what has changed in Myanmar?” It could be said that at the moment the future route of Myanmar remains suspended, ambiguous, unpredictable. What is concrete is that the declared goal of the military junta, to create a democratic and multi-party system, as well as to make free elections short to medium term, is nothing but a lie, a false promise since a democratization process. may not have marked place in an environment of perpetual violation of fundamental human rights, by continuously Escalation Violence, ethnic strife across the country and a renewed unjustified foreign policy that maintain Burmese autonomy at international level.

The downturn and catastrophic movement caused by last year’s coup could not be changed by the international community either, but confirmed by the words of UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews at the UN Human Rights Council its will to plan concrete action. help the country emerge from the crisis that is pushing it deeper and deeper into the abyss.

Having no certainty about the imminent future or the distant future of Myanmar and not speculating about it, the main question remains unanswered. It remains only to observe, to question oneself and not to leave the debate and attention to one of the most fragile and volatile countries in the world.

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